Why India's Lower Castes Could Hold the Key to the Election

(Bloomberg) -- For generations of Indians, the ancient caste system has defined boundaries for everything from family ties and cultural traditions to educational and economic opportunities. Despite reform efforts, deep-rooted prejudices and entitlement among higher castes hold firm, while those on the lowest rungs still face marginalization, discrimination and violence. Nonetheless, the lowest castes -- including the so-called untouchables -- are a formidable electoral force. With political parties of all stripes pitching for votes ahead of the next federal election due by May, caste will help determine whether Prime Minister Narendra Modi holds onto power.

1. Where did the caste system originate?

It has its roots in ancient Indian texts and was later formalized in a legal treatise called Manusmriti, dating from about 1,000 B.C. The text defined karma (work) and dharma (duty) for Hindus, who today represent 80 percent of India’s population. In it, society was divided into four strict hierarchical groups known as varnas. The Brahmins -- priests and other intellectuals -- were at the top. Then came the Kshatriyas or warriors and the Vaishyas or traders. At the bottom were the Shudras, those who did menial labor. The texts laid down laws on marriage, property and even food. For instance, if a Brahmin consumed food prepared by a Shudra, he’d be born a pig in his next life. Since then it’s evolved into a rigid system composed of 3,000 castes and 25,000 sub-castes.

2. How do ‘untouchables’ fit in?

Over time, as social segregation and caste prejudices deepened, another layer of Shudras emerged at the very bottom of the pyramid. They were known as Dalit, which means “divided, split, broken, scattered” in classical Sanskrit. Not only were Dalits barred from sharing food with or marrying people from higher castes, some couldn’t even brush the shadow of a Brahmin. They got their name because their mere touch could supposedly defile, forming the origin of concepts like pariah or outcaste used in English. Today there are around 200 million Dalits -- close to the population of Brazil -- representing about 16.6 percent of India’s population. That figure expands if you include the country’s more than 104 million indigenous people.

3. How might caste affect the election?

Modi trounced the caste-based parties in 2014. Since then, Dalits and other disadvantaged groups have taken to the streets by the tens of thousands to protest violence and government policies and to demand more rights. Many are disgruntled with the inability of both major parties -- Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party and the Indian National Congress headed by Rahul Gandhi -- to improve their lives. That’s left an opening for smaller parties to play a pivotal role. One example is a group headed by Mayawati, a Delhi slum native who was elected chief minister of India’s most-populous state, Uttar Pradesh, four times. Her Bahujan Samaj Party vows to end caste discrimination and build a society based on equality and fairness. Her efforts to team up with other parties could hurt Modi in crucial states such as Uttar Pradesh and Bihar and may give her a shot at prime minister if there’s a hung parliament.

4. Are things getting better?

Yes and no. Almost seven decades ago, the founders of post-colonial India outlawed caste discrimination. They enshrined affirmative action in the Indian Constitution, including the concept of reserving government jobs and places in higher education for Dalits. Some Dalits have broken barriers, including India’s current President Ram Nath Kovind and the main author of India’s Constitution, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. Yet caste remains a major factor in deciding how people earn a living and whom they marry, especially in small towns and villages, where more than 70 percent of Indians live. Nearly a third of Dalits live on less than $2 a day and many don’t have access to education or running water. Most menial jobs like sweeping streets, cleaning sewers, tanning animal hides, and manual scavenging -- a euphemism for the illegal job of disposing of feces from toilets and open drains by hand -- are carried out by Dalits.

5. What’s at stake for Modi?

In 2014, Modi rode a wave of dissatisfaction with corruption and economic stagnation to win India’s first parliamentary majority in 30 years. Emphasizing his own modest background, which qualifies him as part of the Other Backward Class (OBC) category, helped the BJP win 40 out of the 84 seats reserved for Dalits -- 28 more than in 2009. That strategy may not be as effective in 2019. The BJP is seen as a party of the upper caste and the urban business elite. More recently, it’s faced renewed criticism for stoking social divisions and failing to push through reforms, even as economic growth surged. The party is the natural home for Hindu hardliners, such as the so-called “cow vigilantes,” who have fanned sectarian tensions by attacking Muslims and lower-caste Hindus. Against this backdrop, Modi will have to balance his electoral promises to Dalits -- including loans and outreach programs -- with those for other castes, such as a recent pledge to extend a 10 percent quota for government jobs and higher education places to groups including upper caste Hindus.

6. What are OBCs, exactly?

A huge category -- estimated by some to encompass half the population -- that include a range of groups that were traditionally land owners and more privileged than Dalits. They also receive some special treatment in the form of reserved government jobs or university places. As the elections draw closer, demands that the BJP and other parties keep promises to expand the OBC list have led to massive rallies across the country. Given the sheer numbers, no politician can afford to ignore these voters or turn their backs on Dalits.

The Reference Shelf

• QuickTakes on India’s upcoming election and Hindu nationalism.
• History of the caste system and its impact on India today by Manali S. Deshpande.
• Dr. B R Ambedkar’s The Annihilation of Caste, an undelivered speech written in the 1930s and later self-published.
• A story on India counting caste numbers and another on unemployment woes stoking a voter backlash.
• How caste has affected economic opportunities and social mobility.
• Poisoned Bread: An anthology of Dalit literature edited by Dr. Arjun Dangle.

--With assistance from Grant Clark.

To contact the reporter on this story: Archana Chaudhary in New Delhi at achaudhary2@bloomberg.net

To contact the editors responsible for this story: Ruth Pollard at rpollard2@bloomberg.net, Melissa Pozsgay

©2019 Bloomberg L.P.