Corbyn Is Finished But His Radicalism Changed U.K. Politics
Corbyn is Finished But His Radicalism Changed U.K. Politics
(Bloomberg) -- “You had better make f****** sure I don’t win.” It was June 2015 and Jeremy Corbyn did not want to run for the leadership of the Labour Party.
But someone had to carry the flag for a dwindling band of socialist politicians in the contest that followed Ed Miliband’s demoralizing election defeat at the hands of David Cameron’s Conservatives. It was Corbyn’s turn to have a go.
He took some comfort in his status as the rank outsider in the leadership race, but it wasn’t long before the radical leftward transformation in Labour’s membership -- swelled by an influx of like-minded socialists -- made itself felt. With a message of tackling social injustice and poverty, Corbyn shocked the party establishment by winning -- and by a landslide.
Even then, the 70-year-old vegetarian, teetotal, anti-war protester never fancied leading. He preferred gardening, or making jam, to devising political strategies or hankering after power.
At 3:24 a.m. on Friday, Corbyn’s luck deserted him. He had taken Labour to its worst election result for 84 years, in which his party was routed in its key heartlands, losing to the Tories in some cases for the first time in history. As Boris Johnson’s Conservatives headed for victory, Corbyn announced he would step down.
“I will not lead the party in any future general election campaign,” Corbyn said, though he added there needed to be “a process of reflection” about Labour’s direction. “I will lead the party during that period to ensure that discussion takes place, and we can move on into the future.”
Yet while perhaps a reluctant leader, Corbyn also struggled to see his own role in his failed campaign. On Friday he was blaming Brexit for “taking over” the election narrative, drowning out discussion of key issues like health care. Lucy Powell, a Labour member of parliament and critic of Corbyn, said she wanted to see more “contrition and humility” from the leadership.
Corbyn’s brand of politics had always been about campaigning and protest from the sidelines. He came of age politically in the 1980s as a disciple of left wing euro skeptic Tony Benn, who was famous for his speech making. He rebelled countless times against Tony Blair’s centrist “New Labour” government. He vehemently opposed the 2003 invasion of Iraq and spent years leading the anti-war campaign in Britain.
Corbyn’s image as an outsider played to his advantage. The party campaign in 2015 spawned a personality cult, which some have likened to Bernie Sanders’ grassroots success in the U.S, with an army of supporters and activists in a Corbynite group known as Momentum.
He needed their help to survive a leadership challenge in 2016. Labour members of parliament were distraught at the U.K.’s vote to leave the European Union in a referendum in June of that year and many blamed a half-hearted effort to back “remain” from Corbyn -- who has long been a euro skeptic. But while lawmakers tried to oust him, Momentum’s activism and online campaigning ensured Labour’s left-wing membership refused to let Corbyn go.
Corbyn was plunged into a fresh crisis when then-Prime Minister Theresa May triggered a snap election in 2017. His party was poorly prepared and his MPs had no desire to campaign for him to become prime minister. He was ridiculed as weak and unpopular, and few gave him much chance of success against a Tory party 25 points ahead in the polls.
Then apparent disaster struck. Labour’s entire manifesto -- with its radical plans to nationalize railways and abolish university tuition fees -- was leaked to newspapers. It was ripped apart by commentators in the press.
And yet it somehow caught fire with the public. The cult of Corbyn gained millions of new followers. As he toured the country, thousands packed football stadiums and chanted his name, “Oh Jeremy Corbyn,” at every rally. When he showed up at the Glastonbury music festival, he was treated like a rock star.
Even then, few believed Corbyn’s appeal translated beyond a left-wing niche. When the election results came in, Corbyn -- who was cooking eggs in his apartment with close aides and his wife -- was as surprised as anyone to find he had taken Labour to within striking distance of power.
His platform, combined with an incompetent campaign from May, robbed the Conservatives of their small majority, and gave Labour 40% of the popular vote.
Magic fades
Two years later, Corbyn and his team tried to repeat the magic. But he was no longer the unknown breath of fresh air and the crowds were not quite the same. Crucially, in Boris Johnson, Corbyn faced a far more ruthless and effective campaigner.
Labour’s answer was to propose an even more dramatic set of socialist policies than 2017. Free broadband for all. Higher taxes for businesses and the rich. Wild pledges to spend billions on schools and hospitals. Renationalizing mail, railways, and key utilities.
It didn’t work. While voters liked many of the ideas, the evidence suggests they did not believe Labour could deliver.
Two other factors weighed on Corbyn’s campaign. The first was Brexit. Labour’s supporters were split on the issue and Corbyn could not decide whether to back leaving the EU or staying in. Instead, he pledged to put a deal he would negotiate with the EU to the country in yet another referendum, in which he would remain “neutral.” For Britons weary of voting, and tired of political paralysis, Johnson’s repeated promise to “get Brexit done” won the day.
The second problem for Corbyn was Corbyn himself. Labour candidates, including many who were loyal, said Corbyn was now simply too unpopular among voters who recoiled at the prospect of putting him in Number 10. Persistent allegations that he failed to stamp out anti-Semitism in the party and was weak on national security issues also damaged his chances.
“Corbyn was a disaster on the doorstep. Everyone knew that he couldn’t lead the working class out of a paper bag,” former cabinet minister Alan Johnson told ITV.
The question for Labour now is not whether Corbyn can survive, or even precisely when he stands down, although many want him to go immediately. It is what happens to Corbyn’s wider socialist movement, and whether the party can recover from such a rout.
Yet these existential issues do not tell the whole story. Corbyn failed, and Corbynism may still prove too strong a medicine for British voters in future. But his 2017 campaign achieved one thing above all: it permanently changed the debate on post-financial crisis austerity in the U.K.
Corbyn’s unexpected success two years ago forced Johnson to act to neutralize the argument from the left, by effectively matching it. Johnson’s manifesto promised to protect the National Health Service, hire 50,000 extra nurses, spend almost 12 billion pounds ($16 billion) in extra borrowing and cancel a tax cut for businesses.
The biggest tribute to Corbyn is not what happens to a devastated Labour Party now, it’s the fact that Johnson’s Tories have stolen his clothes.
To contact the reporter on this story: Tim Ross in London at tross54@bloomberg.net
To contact the editors responsible for this story: Rosalind Mathieson at rmathieson3@bloomberg.net, Alan Crawford
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