(Bloomberg Opinion) -- Waves of protests over the killing of George Floyd have highlighted the systemic racism against people of African descent in the U.S. and globally. They have led to a growing movement calling for a reckoning with the historical legacies of racism, and with how past exploitation contributed to building industrialized economies. There are calls for financial reparations, and for commissions through which Black people can share their experiences so that those in power might listen, learn, acknowledge and put in place institutional reforms to ensure that such injustices aren’t repeated.
In short, there is global demand for what has come to be called “transitional justice,” this time centered around the Black experience worldwide. African states have largely been observers in this, although they did initiate a significant debate on racism at the United Nations Human Rights Council. Building on that, they should lead the charge in facilitating a global commission on historical injustice for Black people, for three reasons.
First, African countries have unparalleled experience. While transitional justice has a longer history in Latin America, for example, its South African variant in the form of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission captured the global imagination.
Variants of the South African approach have been undertaken or attempted in more than 20 countries on the African continent, including Burundi, Chad, Cote d'Ivoire, Kenya, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Uganda. Other African countries have experimented with national conferences, some of which were similar to truth commissions through opening political dialogue and proposing guidelines for more inclusive political institutions. These have included Benin and Niger.
With varying degrees of success, these states have grappled with many issues likely to be relevant in the global process: racial and ethnic exploitation leading to catastrophic economic exclusion, present-day perpetrators being historical victims, the private sector enabling human-rights abuses, large sections of the population being complicit observers in injustices, and the like. Yes, some of these commissions were examples of what not to do. But given the scope and variety of all these efforts, there are very few wheels left to invent.
Second, the place that Africa occupies in the global imagination is inextricably linked to the place of people of African descent the world over. It is reasonable to believe that an African diaspora that can meet its potential without being hamstrung by centuries of racism can improve economic growth on the continent, just as a thriving continent should change global views of African immigrants. While there is not a single “African” experience, helping uncover the various ways in which racism has eroded the dignity of African descendants everywhere would be valuable.
Third, there is a window of opportunity for African leadership. South Africa is on the UN Security Council until December. Other current and incoming African countries on the council have something to offer: Kenya and Tunisia have both examined violations of human rights under previous regimes, and Niger had a national conference. Among non-African states, Germany and Indonesia have had transitional justice measures in their past, the former over World War II atrocities, and the latter in relation to East Timor. Norway might be interested in the history of its own slave forts in Ghana when it was in a union with Denmark. Belgium might want a review of the legacy of King Leopold.
How it would work? One plan would be for African states on the Security Council to call for a special report from Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on transitional justice, to be delivered in partnership with the African Union. They can sponsor a resolution calling for the appointment of a special representative or a high-level panel, or mandating an actual global commission.
To be sure, there are many pitfalls to getting this done. It is hard to point to unqualified successes in transitional-justice efforts – some simply perpetuated power structures. Politically, an effort to place responsibility for longstanding injustices can be hard to accomplish. At the Security Council, it could be blocked or substantially weakened by the five permanent members, all of whom have histories of atrocity they may not want surfaced.
Even if the commission is more talk than action, it will still yield facts which, once in the public sphere, cannot be un-heard. At minimum, information gathered will provide fodder for the next generation of social activists to advance calls for justice. The question is whether the current momentum can generate the political will needed to create a world hospitable to people of African descent.
This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
Lydiah Kemunto Bosire is the founder and chief executive officer of 8B Education Investments, a financial technology company specializing in financing, connecting and mentoring African students in leading global universities. She was formerly at the World Bank and the Department of Political Affairs at the United Nations Secretariat.
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